måndagen den 5:e augusti 2013

Official Position of Puntland Government on Relations with Federal Government of Somalia

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Official Position of Puntland Government on Relations with Federal Government of Somalia

onsdagen den 3:e juli 2013

Entertainment news











Amina Mohamed Jibril Citizen of Kenya.

               Amina Mohamed Jibril

Amina Mohamed.jpg

Amina Mohamed Jibril (SomaliAamina Maxamed JibriilArabicامينة محمد جبريل‎) (born 5 October 1961) is
Somali lawyer, diplomat and politician. A citizen of Kenya, she previously served
as Chairman of the International Organization for Migration and
 the World Trade Organisation's General Council,
as well as Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Executive Director of the
 United Nations Environment Programme. As of 20 May 2013,
she is the Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Kenya.


Personal life

Background


Mohamed was born on 5 October 1961 in the British-administered Kenya Colony to an
ethnic Somali family.
She is the eighth of nine siblings.Her family originally hails from
 the northern SSC region of Somalia,
Dhulbahante stronghold.
Mohamed spent her childhood in a modest household in Amalemba, Kakamega,
where she passed much of her time reading Sherlock Holmes
stories and other detective fiction.
She later developed a taste for international affairs.
In 2002, Amina married Khalid Ahmed, a fellow Somali to
whom she credits a lot of her success.
The couple have two children and also care for four orphans.
Mohamed is multilingual, speaking SomaliRussianEnglish and Swahili,
with a working knowledge of French.

Education

For her elementary studies, Mohamed attended the Township
Primary School of Kakamega and later
Butere Girls and Highlands academies.
Her mother believed strongly in the importance of education,
and would frequently drop by her classes
 to monitor her performance.
Upon graduation, Mohamed moved to the Ukraine
on a scholarship to study at
 the Kiev University School of International
 Law and International Relations.
She completed the institution's rigorous courses,
earning an LLC degree in comparative law and
a Masters in international law.
She later pursued post-graduate studies
at the University of Oxford and Kenya School of Law.

Career

General

In a professional capacity, Mohamed began her career in 1985
as a legal officer at the Kenyan
 Ministry of Local Government.
Her duties there included assessing World Bank projects
and tabling municipal by-laws.
Between 1986 and 1990, Mohamed served as a
Legal Advisor in Kenya's Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
where she drafted and negotiated various bilateral and
 international treaties.
Among these were Bilateral Air Services Agreements with
the United Arab EmiratesOmanIran and
the United Kingdom, as well as the African Convention on
 the Rights of the Child.
Although a number of job opportunities overseas were available,
Mohamed chose to remain with her parents as
her father was ailing.
From 1990 to 1993, Mohamed acted as
a Legal Advisor to Kenya's mission at the
UN head office in GenevaSwitzerland.
There, she worked alongside officials from the International Labour Organisation,
World Health Organisation and
 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation.
She subsequently took a brief sabbatical to pursue higher studies in the UK,
before returning to diplomatic service in Geneva. In 1997,
Mohamed began serving as Legal Advisor to
 the Kenyan delegation at the UN Security Council.
Between 2000 and 2006, Mohamed worked as
the Ambassador and Permanent Representative for
the Kenya diplomatic mission in Geneva.
She was also the Chairman, Coordinator and Spokesperson for
the African Group in
the WTO's Human Rights Commission. In 2002,
Mohamed acted as President of
the Conference on Disarmament and was appointed the first female Chairman of
 the International Organization for Migration.
She chaired the Trade Policy Review Body the following year,
and served as the Chairman of the Dispute Settlement Body in 2004.
In 2005, Mohamed became the first woman to chair the WTO's General Council.
She was also a Member of the Executive Boards and Committees of
 the WIPO, ILO, WHO, UNCTAD,UNHCR
and UNAIDS from 2001 to 2005.
Between 2006 and 2007, Mohamed acted as Director for both
Europe and Commonwealth Countries as well as
Diaspora matters. She also chaired the Department of
Foreign Trade and Economic Affairs' Committee
on Strengthening and Restructuring.
During the 2010–2011 calendar year, Mohamed served as
the President of the United Nations Conference on
Transnational Crime in Vienna. Additionally,
she was the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Justice,
National Cohesion and Constitutional
Affairs from 2008 to 2011.
In 2011, Mohamed was named UNEP's Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Executive Director.

Secretary for Foreign Affairs

On 23 April 2013, Mohamed was appointed Kenya's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, one
 of 18 Cabinet Secretary nominees to the new Uhuru Kenyatta administration.
She was later sworn into office on 20 May 2013.

Honours

  • National Award of Chief of Burning Spear (CBS)
  • Cavaliere dell'Ordine della Stella della solidarieta italiana
  • Life Member, Red Cross Society
  • Member of the Life and Peace Institute International Advisory Council
  • Member of the World Economic Forum's Global Agenda Council on the Arctic
  • Member of the Strathmore Law School Advisory Board

onsdagen den 26:e juni 2013

Administrative divisions of Somalia

Administrative divisions of Somalia


Coat of arms of Somalia.svg
This article is part of the series:
Politics and government ofSomalia


Somalia is officially divided into eighteen (18) administrative regions (gobollada, singulargobol),
which in turn are subdivided into ninety (90) districts (degmooyin, singular degmo).
On a de facto basis, northern Somalia is now divided up among
the autonomous regions of Puntland (which considers itself an autonomous state)
and Somaliland (a self-declared but un-recognized sovereign state).
 In central Somalia, Galmudug is another regional entity that emerged just south of Puntland.
 For these post-civil war divisions, see States and regions of Somalia.

Awdal Region

Bakool Region

Banaadir Region

Bari Region

Bay Region

Galguduud Region

Gedo Region

Hiiraan Region

Middle Juba Region

Lower Juba Region

Mudug Region

Nugaal Region

Sanaag Region

Middle Shabele Region

Lower Shabele Region

Sool Region

Togdheer Region

Woqooyi Galbeed Region


Writing and editing by Aisha Abdi   Aisha Qurux

fredagen den 21:e juni 2013

Somalia's Next Phase Should Include Accountability for War Criminals


Last week, the U.S. government recognized a government of Somalia for the first time since 1991. In his remarks to Secretary of State Clinton, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud spoke of Somalia emerging from a period of chaos to one of peace. This new Somalia, he said, will make a "valuable contribution to the region and the world at large." If Somalia is to be a shining example, it should start by ending impunity for war criminals and giving victims justice.
Somalia's transition must reckon with its past. The Somali state's collapse in 1991 did not emerge from a vacuum: it was precipitated by years of brutal violence under the Mohamed Siad Barre dictatorship. Under Barre's 21-year regime, government forces tortured, summarily executed, raped, and even launched aerial bombing raids on civilian populations. The armed groups that overthrew Barre in 1991, and the remnants of that regime, continued the cycle of violence.
To date, no individual has been held to account for these crimes--in Somalia. However, accountability efforts have been made against former Barre-regime officials living in the U.S. The Center for Justice and Accountability has brought three cases in U.S. courts on behalf of Somali victims. Last November, a U.S. federal court of appeals denied immunity to Mohamed Ali Samantar, former Somali Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, for crimes against humanity and torture. That same month, a district court in Ohio ruled that Colonel Abdi Aden Magan, the former Chief of Somalia's National Security Service was liable for torture. Another torture suit is pending against Colonel Yusuf Abdi Ali (a.k.a "Tukeh"), a former Brigade Commander in the Somali National Army.") Each of these cases was filed under U.S. universal jurisdiction laws that permit civil suits for human rights violations.
President Sheikh has made a commitment to restore faith in governance and the rule of law. His first step should be to hold to account former officials and warlords who brought Somalia over the brink. His second is to end impunity for human rights abuses committed in the wake of Somalia's collapse. To date, cases of gender based violence, child soldier recruitment, and attacks against journalist have gone unpunished.
Lessons can be learned from the cases in the U.S., but President Sheikh can look closer to home as well. Local activists and government officials in the northern region of Somaliland have begun to excavate mass graves and document evidence of war crimes. The Somali government should build on these efforts and end the impunity of suspected war criminals like General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan or Maslah Mohamed Siad Barre. Both have been accused of overseeing widespread and systematic abuses under Siad Barre. And both currently split their time between Somalia and Kenya.
It will be difficult to restore confidence in government with such perpetrators still at large. After victory in his case against Samantar, Aziz Deria, whose father and brother were abducted by Somali officials and never seen again, observed that holding former officials "formally accountable for atrocities in Somalia's civil war is the best way for Somalia to move forward. Clan retribution can be set aside when people can be assured of justice through the legal system."
The words of President Sheik speak of stability and hope. But to achieve these goals, Somalia must begin transparent human rights investigations and provide redress to victims.

Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan Hits Campaign Trail Amid Protests

By Hani Mohamed Budul

KAYSERI, Turkey, June 21 (Reuters) - Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan kicks off a weekend of rallies in his conservative strongholds on Friday, displaying his grassroots support after weeks of often violent anti-government protests.
Tens of thousands are expected to gather in a square in Kayseri, an industrial city in Turkey's pious Anatolian heartland, to hear the blunt-talking 59-year-old urge voters to back his ruling AK Party before municipal polls next March.
Similar rallies are planned for the weekend in the eastern city of Erzurum and Samsun on the Black Sea coast.
The meetings follow three weeks of protests against Erdogan's perceived authoritarianism, unrest which dented Turkey's image for stability and riled a leader who sees himself as a champion of democratic reform.
He has dismissed the protesters as "riff-raff" manipulated by "terrorists" and has accused foreign forces, international media and market speculators of seeking to stoke the unrest in what he has termed a "game being played with Turkey".
"Let's spoil the big game, let's write history" read a slogan on banners around the Kayseri square, while portraits of Erdogan hung on surrounding buildings.
"My master, it's been 10 years since you arrived. You have transformed Turkey," read another, playing on Erdogan's own description of his third term as that of a "master", borrowing from the celebrated Ottoman architect Sinan and the last stage of his career after apprenticeship and graduation.
Cities like Kayseri, one of the "Anatolian Tigers" whose small industries have flourished under a decade of AK Party rule, have been spared the sort of clashes concentrated in Istanbul, the capital Ankara and the nearby city of Eskisehir.
Here, Erdogan has widespread support.
"We have voted for him for the past three elections and I can't think of anyone else to vote for at the next one as well," said Tuba Ikiz, a 27-year-old shopkeeper wearing a headscarf.
Erdogan, who won his third consecutive election in 2011 with 50 percent support, has enacted democratic reforms, including curbing powers of an army that toppled four governments in four decades and pursuing an end to 30 years of Kurdish rebellion.
But he brooks little dissent. Hundreds of military officers have been jailed on charges of plotting a coup against Erdogan; others, including academics, journalists and politicians, face trial on similar accusations.
Among the large section of Turkey's 76 million people who do not back him, Erdogan is viewed as increasingly authoritarian and too quick to meddle in their private lives. Recent restrictions on the sale of alcohol have fuelled their suspicions that he has a creeping Islamist agenda.

RESENTMENT TURNS TO VIOLENCE
That resentment spilled into open protest when police cracked down on a group of environmentalists opposed to his plans to develop a central Istanbul square in late May, spreading to other cities and turning violent night after night.
The streets of Turkey's largest city have been calmer in recent days, with hundreds of silent, standing protesters in Taksim Square taking the place of clashes between police firing tear gas and water cannon at stone-throwing demonstrators.
Sporadic violence has continued, including in Ankara where around 1,000 people took to the streets overnight, and in Mersin, on Turkey's southern coast, where riot police also used water cannon and teargas to break up demonstrations as Erdogan attended the opening ceremony of the Mediterranean Games.
Four protesters and two police officers were wounded, according to Dogan news agency.
The unrest has underlined divisions in Turkish society between religious conservatives who form the bedrock of Erdogan's support, and more liberal Turks who have swelled the numbers of peaceful demonstrators.
The severity of the police crackdown, particularly in the initial days, has drawn international condemnation, especially from key trade partner Germany, casting a shadow over Turkey's long-stalled talks on joining the European Union.
But some government ministers have struck a more conciliatory tone this week as the protests have generally become less tense, with Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arinc saying the silent protests "should be encouraged". (Additional reporting by Abdulahi Ahmed (Benmashege) in Istanbul; Writing by Asha Ahmed   Editing by Hani Mohamed Budul  and  Abdi Nasir Mr
 Lion)

lördagen den 1:e juni 2013

2009 Hotel Shamo bombing


The 2009 Hotel Shamo bombing was a suicide bombing at the Hotel Shamo inMogadishuSomalia, on 3 December 2009. The bombing killed 25 people, including threeministers of the Transitional Federal Government,  and injured 60 more,  making it the deadliest attack in Somalia since the Beledweyne bombing on 18 June 2009 that claimed more than 30 lives.
The attack took place inside the meeting hall of the Hotel Shamo in Mogadishu during acommencement ceremony for medical students ofBenadir University and was carried out by a suicide bomber dressed as a woman, "complete with a veil and a female's shoes", according to Minister of Information Dahir Mohamud Gelle. According to witnesses, the bomber approached a speakers' panel, verbally greeted them with the phrase "peace", and detonated his explosives belt. Former Minister of Health Osman Dufle, who was speaking when the blast happened, reported that he had noticed an individual wearing black clothing moving through the audience immediately before the explosion.
The ceremony—the second since Benadir University was formed in 2002 and a rare event in war-torn Somalia—had attracted hundreds of people. In attendance were the graduates and their family members, University officials, and five ministers of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). Security inside the meeting hall was light and all of the ministers' bodyguards were outside the hall.

Casualties 


The three journalists killed in the bombing were: Mohamed Amiin Abdullah of Shabelle Media Network, a Somali television and radio network;  freelance photographer Yasir Mairo, who died of injuries in hospital; and a cameraman alternately identified as freelancer Hassan Ahmed Hagi and Al Arabiya cameraman Hassan Zubeyr  or Hasan al-Zubair. Their deaths raised to nine the number of journalists killed in Somalia during 2009, including four for Radio Shabelle.  The explosion also injured six other journalists, including two—Omar Faruk, a photographer for Reuters, and Universal TV reporter Abdulkadir Omar Abdulle—who were taken to Medina Hospital in critical condition.The bombing killed 24 people and injured 60 others.Most of those killed were students, but also among the dead were two doctors, three journalists, and three government ministers—Minister of EducationAhmed Abdulahi Waayeel, Minister of Health Qamar Aden Ali, and Minister of Higher Education Ibrahim Hassan Addow were killed. Minister of SportsSaleban Olad Roble was critically injured, and was hospitalised. He was later reported to have been flown to Saudi Arabia for treatment, where he died on 13 February 2010.
biikole.blogspot.se 
The dean of Benadir University's medical college was among the wounded.

Aftermath 


President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed accused the Islamist group al-Shabaab of perpetrating the attack.
responsibility for orchestrating the bombing, but SheikhSharif Sheikh Ahmed, the President of Somalia, blamed the Somali Islamist group al-Shabaab. Sheikh Ali Mohamud Rage, a spokesperson for al-Shabaab, denied being responsible for the attack and, in turn, blamed the government. The leader of Hizbul Islam, another Somali Islamist group, also denied responsibility.
In a news conference held in the Hotel Shamo after the attack, President Ahmed called for international assistance to Somalia. He also displayed, according to a local journalist, what he identified as the bomber's body and remains of an explosive belt and a hijab. The Danish newspaper Berlingske Tidende reported the bomber was a 23-year-old citizen ofDenmark.
According to Idd Mohamed, a senior Somali diplomat, the attack was carried out to foster "terror" and "panic" and undermine the legitimacy of the Transitional Federal Government. Wafula Wamunyini, the acting head of the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM), expressed a similar opinion, claiming that the attack had the purpose of "intimidat[ing] and blackmail[ing]" the Somali government.Stephanie McCrummen of The Washington Postdescribed the attack as "the worst blow in months" to the United Nations-supported government of Somalia.

Reactions 

The attack drew condemnation from a number of organisations, including the African Union (AU), the European Union, the United Nations Security Council, and the National Union of Somali Journalists.
AMISOM described the bombing as "inhumane and cowardly", and characterised it as a "heinous [crime] against humanity". AMISOM also promised to "spare no efforts" to identify and bring to justice the perpetrators of the attack,  and stated that the attack would not deter the AU from continuing to carry out its mission in Somalia.
Baroness Catherine Ashton, the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy for the European Union (EU), echoed AMISOM's sentiment, calling the bombing a "cowardly attack against civilians including students, doctors and journalists".
The UN Security Council president Michel Kafando labelled the attack an act of terrorism and a "criminal act", called for a "thorough investigation", and conveyed "sympathies and condolences" to the victims of the attack, their families, the TFG, and the Somali people.
A joint statement by the UN, the EU, the Arab League and the United States affirmed that the international community would continue its support of the Transitional Federal Government; however, a senior European diplomat indicated that any additional military support to the TFG was unlikely.
President Ahmed characterised the attack as a "national disaster".
The Committee to Protect Journalists issued a statement expressing condolences to the families of the three journalists killed in the bombing and noted that the attack "cemented" Somalia's "position as the deadliest country in Africa for journalists".

SOMALIA-SOUTH AFRICA: Foreign competitors not welcome

Asha Abdulahi Dahir in cape town 


Cape Town, 17 October 2008 (biikole.blogspot.se) - About 200 Somali businessmen in South Africa's Western Cape Province are being threatened with violence if they continue doing business in the townships. They recently returned to the areas after fleeing a wave of xenophobic attacks in May 2008. 

A group of local township businessmen, acting under the banner of the Zanokhanyo Retailers Association (ZRA), sent the Somalis letters in September, warning them to close their shops or face "actions that will include physically fighting". 

Somali businessman Mahad Omar Abdi, 33, who owns a supermarket in Khayalitsha that was looted during the xenophobic attacks, told IRIN the threats were being taken seriously. 

"The letters have caused fear and mistrust in the township's [Somali] business community and it shows the vulnerability of foreigners who want to come back to the communities they left last May. However, we believe this is more a criminal element looking to move in on our businesses, rather than the whole community disliking our presence here, so we are not prepared to just let them take everything from us," he said. 

Thousands of Somalis fled their homes and businesses after xenophobic violence, which began in the Johannesburg township of Alexandra, spread throughout the country and claimed at least 65 lives, while displacing tens of thousands of people. 

Some South Africans claim that foreigners are responsible for the high crime rate - although there is no empirical evidence for this - are taking jobs, and bribing government officials to be first in line for state housing. 

Civil war 

Somalis began arriving in South Africa in the mid 1990s after civil war broke out in their country in 1991, and have probably been singled out for attacks more than any other African migrant community

According to representatives of Somali's Western Cape community, these attacks have increased in frequency and ferocity over the past five years, to the point where hundreds of their countrymen seeking refuge in South Africa have been murdered. 

In August Mahad Abukar Alasow, 26, a Somali who had returned to Khayalitsha after staying at the Soetwater safety site established in the wake of the xenophobic attacks, was killed by a group of people said to be robbers. 

A local Western Cape newspaper, The Cape Times, said Alasow was shot three times and died at the scene, but nothing of value was taken from his shop, prompting speculation that he was targeted because of his nationality. 

''There appears to be a dangerous pattern of targeted attacks against foreigners, especially but not exclusively involving Somalis''
The May xenophobic attacks in Western Cape Province displaced about 20,000 foreign nationals and there are still about 1,400 living in camps around Cape Town, the provincial capital, because they are too afraid to reintegrate into township communities

Last month a Somali woman and her three young children were murdered in the Eastern Cape Province town of Queenstown, with the viciousness of the attack prompting the United Nations Human Rights Commission conduct an investigation. 

UN Human Rights High Commissioner Navi Pillay condemned the acts and acknowledged the increase of attacks on Somalis. "There appears to be a dangerous pattern of targeted attacks on foreigners, especially but not exclusively involving Somalis," she said. 

ZRA chairperson Sydwell Citwa last week told the Mail and Guardian, a local weekly newspaper, that businessmen in Khayalitsha wanted Somali shops to be closed in the short term. "While we're talking to them, we want them to stop operating. Our problem is simple: We are hungry. We are angry. And the Somalis are undercutting us. 

"These people come into the country with nothing, and the next minute they have stocked shops and fridges. We've done our research and we know that the Muslim Judicial Council [MJC] is helping them because they're Muslim. 

"We also want help from our government because we gave them power. We are the ones who fought for freedom and democracy, and now these Somalis are here eating our democracy," he said. 

Fight for scarce resources

Abdul Fattaag Carr of the Muslim Judicial Council of South Africa denied that the organisation was funding the Somalis in the Western Cape, but said the council was helping foreigners adversely affected by the xenophobic attacks. 

"This is more about a fight for scarce resources than a case of outright racism against Somalis, but because their traditions and culture are very different to South Africans' they stand out more than other foreigners and are viewed with suspicion. 

"Somalis are good business people and they are very united as a group. They approach suppliers as a group and buy in bulk so they can get the cheapest price possible. This is why they can offer their goods at a lower price to the average South African operating a shop in the townships," he told IRIN. 

Cape Town city officials intervened after the media attention the ZRA and the Somali community received over the threats, and chaired a meeting between the groups that has defused the situation for now, Abdi said. 

But the Somali community was still vulnerable because of the differences between Somalis and other cultures, said Alas Jama, 43, a Somali from the Cape Town suburb of Bellville. 

Although his countrymen had integrated well when it came to establishing businesses in South Africa's townships, many preferred not to weave their lives into that of the local community. "Because we are Muslim, many Somalis prefer to marry amongst themselves because of the sensitivities associated with mixing cultures," he commented. 

''It was those who had integrated best who suffered the most from the violence, because they initially felt safe and did not leave in time''
"Somali people's culture is very different to those you find in Southern African communities and this leads to problems. Many Somalis don't feel comfortable taking on local cultural traits, which has the affect of alienating them to some degree," said Jama, who helped coordinate relief efforts during the xenophobic violence. 

"Because other Africans from around the region have integrated better with the South African communities in terms of living amongst and marrying locals, they were the first to be targeted by the mobs that took over," he said. 

"Somalis created their own jobs, opened their own shops and stayed amongst themselves, and this really helped them to be spared during the killings here at that time," Jama said. 

"They lost property and had shops destroyed, but it was those who had integrated best who suffered the most from violence, because they initially felt safe and did not leave in time."